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The Scottish debate

Scotland, France and the International

The Programme, The Party And The International

A Reply To Murray Smith (France), From The International Secretariat

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Introduction

1. Murray Smith's document "Contribution to the "Scottish debate" is both a defence of the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's proposals for a Scottish Socialist Party combined with a general critique of the International Secretariat of the Committee for a Workers' International.

2. This criticism of the International Secretariat of the Committee for a Workers' International is not limited to its position on the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's plans. As well as opposing the International Secretariat of the Committee for a Workers' International's recent handling of discussions with the UIT, Murray Smith argues that a debate has opened "between partisans of a conservative and potentially sectarian conception of party-building, which in essence boils down to the linear growth of our own organisations, and those who advocate a more dynamic conception, involving, fusions, regroupments and new parties", (paragraph 7)

3. A large part of Murray Smith's document is, to all intents and purposes, a reworking of the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's "Scottish Socialist Party - A Political Justification". In relation to the "Scottish debate" it actually adds very little that is new. At the same time Murray Smith's method of argument is significant.

4. In paragraph 8 Murray Smith writes that: "The British Executive Committee has reproached the Scottish comrades with choosing to write The Scottish Socialist Party: a Political Justification rather than continuing the debate on the points raised in ... (previous) documents. Quite clearly the Scottish comrades made a choice. They chose to reformulate and represent their project and their propositions, in my (Murray Smith's) opinion in a much clearer and more thorough way, taking into account criticisms and points made in debate."

5. A discussion or debate should be a real exchange of views which clarifies issues and lays the basis for future activity. This means that a debate cannot be simply a continuous repetition of points which take no account of how the discussion develops. Nevertheless previous positions cannot simply be forgotten, either they are still defended or they are openly and clearly altered.

6. Unfortunately this has not been the case with the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee. In practically every document they have produced in this debate they have effectively sought to side-step criticism by abandoning, without comment, their earlier positions. A simple example is the 1999 elections in Scotland. Compare paragraph 32 of "Political Justification" with paragraphs 2 to 6 in "Initial Proposals".

7. In paragraph 32 of "Political Justification" the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee wrote that "the elections in 1999 are a factor an important one at that, but we could live with the alliance (the existing Scottish Socialist Alliance) if that were the only issue at stake. Yet that is not the only or even the most important question".

8. However paragraphs 2 to 5 of Initial Proposals read quite differently: Among other points the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee write that " 1999 will be a decisive year for the socialist left. Three separate sets of elections will take place in Scotland during the first half of 1999" . (paragraph 2), "the stakes are sky high: if the socialist left in these elections fails to make a breakthrough, the advance of socialism could be slowed down", (paragraph 3), "important in determining whether socialism can make a breakthrough in 1999 will be the calibre and cohesion of the socialist opposition itself. The specific form of Proportional Representation under which both the Scottish and European elections will be conducted poses sharply the need for socialist unity...under the Additional Member System that will operate in Scotland there is absolutely no room or political justification for two or more socialist parties to stand in opposition to one another" (paragraph 4).

9. Naturally opinions can change, but when they do this needs to be explained, something the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee have not done in this debate. This is why the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's previous statements cannot now be ignored as Murray Smith implies. Murray Smith tries both to quietly bury some of the Scottish Militant Labour's previous material, while quoting from other parts when it suits his argument.

10. The Socialist Party Executive Committee's July "Reply" commented that "Scottish Socialist Party A Political Justification" "ignores the political issues that have been raised in the debate...they completely ignore all of the arguments put forward in their (the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's) previous documents" (paragraph 1). While "Reply" went on to raise and discuss a number of these about-turns, Murray Smith fails to make any substantive comment on the Socialist Party Executive Committee's arguments.

11. In his desire to strengthen the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's positions Murray Smith tries to provide a protective shield. Although the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee have not, so far, withdrawn any of the material they have written in this debate Murray Smith attempts to consign some parts of the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's documents to the archives while using other parts that suit him.

12. Clearly the issues being discussed are not abstract, the debate began over concrete questions relating to programme and tactics in Scotland. Despite the wider differences now raised by Murray Smith, Scotland remains an issue. In a certain sense Scotland has become a test case. Now the new "Manifesto for a socialist Scotland (Interim ten point programme)" agreed by the Scottish Socialist Alliance (Scottish Socialist Alliance) National Council on 6 September provides an opportunity to examine in detail the political basis upon which the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee are proceeding.

13. This debate has already produced many documents. We do not intend here to discuss all the points that Murray Smith raises as many have already been commented on in British Executive Committee material. Furthermore some of the historical issues, partly concerning the pre-1917 Bolshevik history, should be dealt with separately and the questions concerning international democratic centralism will be featured at the forthcoming Seventh World Congress.

14. In early September the Socialist Party National Committee debated the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's proposals again and decided, among other points, that "This National Committee wishes to put on record its opposition to the approach of the Scottish Militant Labour leadership in this debate and registers its opposition to their proposals. However, in order to remove any suggestion that we are resorting to formal organisational measures, we very reluctantly accept that the Scottish Militant Labour will go ahead and implement these proposals. We similarly accept that Scottish Militant Labour should go ahead with discussions with the Committee for a Workers' International with the aim of forming a separate section in Scotland. These decisions will be reviewed after one year". (The full text is reprinted in the Appendix).

15. Notwithstanding the ending of this stage of the debate in Britain the International Secretariat of the Committee for a Workers' International thinks that Murray Smith has raised issues both in regard to the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's position and wider questions which should be replied to. In this document we want to concentrate more on the new general issues that Murray Smith raises, while commenting on some of the arguments he uses to support the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's position and also on the Scottish Socialist Alliance's new "Manifesto" which is included in this Bulletin.

Programme

16. The Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's "Political Justification" gives an "orthodox" description of the Scottish Militant Labour's programme in paragraphs 6 to 12. However, as the British Executive Committee point out in their "Reply", in so doing the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee "completely ignore all of the arguments put forward in their previous documents" (paragraph 2). Nowhere in "Political Justification" do the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee even acknowledge that they have made a substantial about turn, at least on paper.

17. Murray Smith carefully refers to this when he writes "The British Executive Committee documents have pointed out a number of problems in the way in which the Scottish documents deal with the question of programme...These problems are real", (paragraph 23). But, in contrast to his sustained criticism of the British Executive Committee and International Secretariat of the Committee for a Workers' International, nowhere in his section on "Programme" does Murray Smith give any indication of what these "real" problems are. It seems that Murray Smith is formally registering, for the record, the most glaring weaknesses of the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee before going on to defend their fundamental ideas.

18. This is not the way to debate. If "these problems are real" then Murray Smith has a responsibility to explain what the "problems" are for the benefit of his readers, the Scottish Militant Labour and the International. Why does Murray Smith not say whether or not these "real problems" have already had an effect on the Scottish Militant Labour's activity?

19. As the British Executive Committee has argued the first three Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee documents raised questions about what is a revolutionary programme. The Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee have maintained that today the Scottish Militant Labour and Scottish Socialist Alliance have "the same programme" ("For a Bold Step Forward" paragraph 86), that "paradoxically, the task of organisationally and ideologically delineating the forces of revolutionary Marxism from other socialist currents was in the period 1919-1920 a much more crucial task than is the case today.". ("For a Bold Step Forward" paragraph 42). They criticised the British Executive Committee for "mixing up the question of programme - which we would understand to be a list of policies and objectives, which could be expressed in written form and democratically voted upon at a conference - with something wider and less tangible". ("New Tactics for a New Period", paragraph 12).

20. While the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's about turn in "Political Justification" is welcome, the fact that it was done without any analysis of their previous positions means that no-one can be certain which position the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee will next adopt.

21. At the start of the discussion the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee argued that "not only in Scotland, but internationally, the traditional ideological battle lines which have divided the left have become blurred ... a more principled and courageous minority moved ... towards greater acceptance of a political programme which advocates full-blooded socialism combined with workers' democracy, in the past, such a programme would have been dismissed as Trotskyism." ("Initial Proposals ", paragraph 16).

22. From the beginning the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee confused the acceptance of socialist policies (often vaguely called "full-blooded socialism") with a revolutionary Marxist programme. The question of centrism, i.e. the acceptance of revolutionary policies in words without the willingness or ability to put them in practice, was a closed book to the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee. Historically the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee would have had great difficulty in describing the difference between Marxism and Austro-Marxism. Some Austro-Marxist leaders proclaimed themselves revolutionaries and actually participated in the 1934 Austrian workers' uprising. But they were not Marxist revolutionaries.

23. Trotsky commented that "the fact that a few Social Democratic leaders took part in the battles is at best only testimony to their personal valour. But the working class demands political insight and revolutionary courage from its leadership. Personal virtues ... cannot substitute for a lack of these qualities.... What is necessary, however, is systematic revolutionary education of the vanguard and winning the trust of the majority of the proletariat in the practical intelligence and daring of the proletarian general staff. Without this precondition, victory is completely impossible." ("After the Austrian Defeat", 13 March 1934, Writings of Trotsky Supplement (1934-40), page 460). This type of exact characterisation has been absent from the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee throughout this discussion. Instead we get phrases like "full-blooded socialism" which have no Marxist meaning.

24. The first Socialist Party Executive Committee document, "A Reply to Scottish Militant Labour", attempted to clarify this first position of the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee and challenged whether the Scottish Socialist Alliance's "Charter for Socialist Change" really was "a very clear and concrete programme for the overthrow of capitalism.". ("Initial Proposals", paragraph 19).

25. The SP Executive Committee explained that "We have been able to reach agreement on a campaigning, fighting programme with others on the left, including some from a Stalinist tradition. Nevertheless, the Trotskyist tradition includes fundamentally important ideas on perspectives, revolutionary strategy, strategy on the national question, tactical methods of struggle, and methods of party building which are far from being accepted by many others on the left." (paragraph 26).

26. "For a Bold Step Forward", the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's second document, rejected the arguments of the SP Executive Committee. It stated that: 

27. - "we have established our programme as the programme of the emerging left in Scotland" (paragraph 55)

28. - "Taken together, all of the programmatic documents of the Scottish Socialist Alliance constitute nothing less than a detailed transitional programme for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of workers' power", (paragraph 60)

29. - "one point is clear; within the Scottish Socialist Alliance now there are now no differences of opinion on advancing a full-blooded socialist programme", (paragraph 78) 

30. Scottish Militant Labour's internal structures "have been affected by our involvement in the Alliance and the difficulties we have encountered in attempting to simultaneously promote and build two parties with the same programme.", (paragraph 86); politically meaning that the Scottish Militant Labour and Scottish Socialist Alliance have the "same programme".

The Scottish Socialist Alliance's new "Manifesto"

31. The second SP Executive Committee document, "In Defence of the Revolutionary Party" examined some of the Scottish Socialist Alliance's material to show its limitations ( paragraphs 60 to 67). But, as we have already said: debates move on. We now have "A Manifesto for a socialist Scotland (interim ten point programme)", which was agreed by the Scottish Socialist Alliance National Council on 6 September as "a preliminary starting point around which we can explain the basic aims of the new Scottish Socialist Party". Thus we can see more concretely the actual programme of the proposed Scottish Socialist Party, judge its character and decide whether the above claims from "For a Bold Step Forward" can be upheld.

32. Unfortunately this "Manifesto", reprinted in this Bulletin, is neither a transitional or revolutionary programme. It concretely shows that the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee are proposing to hand over the bulk of the Committee for a Workers' International's Scottish resources to an organisation whose "interim ten point programme" could only be described as left reformist, not even centrist. Even if the Scottish Militant Labour was going to participate in an organisation with this programme, this participation could only be on the basis that, from day one, the Committee for a Workers' International section had its own independent voice, clearly and regularly explaining the Marxists' programme and policies.

33. This programme is, in many respects, a retreat on the programme which the British comrades advanced when they were working in the Labour Party. Including when comrades stood as parliamentary candidates on a Labour Party ticket.

34. The Scottish comrades have said that the Scottish Socialist Alliance/Scottish Socialist Party programme is evolving. This may be the case but it does not excuse confusion. The Marxist movement has always been very exact about programme. Faced with the "no good" Gotha Programme Marx wrote that

"After the Unity Congress is over, Engels and I will publish a short statement to the effect that we entirely disassociate ourselves from the said programme". (Letter to Bracke, Marx/Engels Collected Works, Volume 24, page 77). In the case of the Scottish Socialist Party programme the Committee for a Workers' International comrades have to be very clear about its limitations and weaknesses, and ensure that our own programme is widely known. The Scottish Militant Labour's plan to have only a quarterly Committee for a Workers' International journal will make this task very difficult.

35. One of the most well known and important of our election slogans, 'A Workers MP on a Workers Wage' is entirely absent. It is true that the Scottish Socialist Alliance Constitution does cover this point, but why is it not in the "Manifesto"? We understand that it is included in the new Scottish Socialist Party Constitution which unfortunately we have not et seen. However, because of the importance of this question it should also be featured in the "Manifesto". This is not an abstract question. Next year the Scottish Socialist Party will strive to get members elected to the new Scottish Parliament.

36. Nowhere in this "Manifesto" is there a challenge to the inevitable corruption of bourgeois politics. How will the Scottish Socialist Party show that it is different from the other political organisations and that it has no careerists within it? This is a key issue in Scotland given the corruption among Labour MPs and local councillors. The Scottish Socialist Party needs to stand out as something different from the other parties, not just in words but in the actions of its leaders. Perhaps the comrades forgot to put the slogan 'A Workers MP on a Workers Wage' into the Scottish Socialist Party's launching "Manifesto". But, if this is the case, then unfortunately it shows a slipshod attitude to the programme.

37. Why is there no direct criticism of the Labour Party or Scottish National Party in the "Manifesto", particularly when both still have members who call themselves "socialists" or "lefts"?

38. There are no demands for a fighting trade union policy, for trade union democracy or against the privileged trade union bureaucracy. Where are there calls for regular election of officials, for the right of immediate recall, or for officials to be paid the average wage of the workers they represent?

39. While opposing cuts in public spending there is no indication given of how they can be fought. The "Manifesto" does not outline how the Scottish Socialist Party would propose to fight against the spending limits of either the British government or new Scottish administration. Where is the reference to building a mass movement, something which the British comrades stressed, for example in Liverpool, while still working in the Labour Party?

40. The section on the "The Economy" is totally inadequate. Nowhere does it clearly explain that the Scottish Socialist Party, while fighting now for immediate reforms, stands for a socialist government which can only succeed on the basis of breaking the power of capitalism. The term "extension of democratic ownership" is elastic, leaving the door open to a possible reformist or Stalinist interpretation of calling for a gradual take over of the commanding heights of the economy.

41. The phrase "The Scottish Socialist Alliance/Scottish Socialist Party is for a radical alternative to the 'free market'" also leaves room for reformism. The failure to state that the Scottish Socialist Party stands for a socialist alternative means it does not rule out tin; idea of an "Alternative Economic Strategy" which the British reformist Left used to advocate. In fact the "Manifesto's" formulation could also be agreed by the so-called "labour wing" of the German Christian Democrats who counterpoise the so-called "social market economy" to "pure capitalism".

42. Apart from the idea of a "radical redistribution of wealth" the "Manifesto" does not give any hint of how its demands can be financed. It does not argue for an economic plan of production drawn up, and controlled by, the labour movement.

43. Despite the section on "International Solidarity" there is no hint that a socialist Scotland could only develop and survive with an extension of the overthrow of capitalism beyond Scotland's borders. This particularly raises the issue that a workers' government in Scotland would have to attempt to aid the workers' movement in England and Wales in also overthrowing capitalism. While not ignoring the European dimension, the Scottish Militant Labour needs to concretely argue for a fighting alliance between Scottish workers and the English and Welsh working classes.

44. All in all, this "Manifesto" is a weak reformist document, notwithstanding its use of the word "socialism". Certainly it is not the "detailed transitional programme for the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of workers' power" which "For a Hold Step Forward" wrote about in paragraph 60. II really in the recent period the Scottish comrades have been building "two parties with the same programme" (For a Bold Step Forward" paragraph 86), then this also raises serious questions about the Scottish Militant Labour's own programme.

45. Murray Smith, perhaps preparing for having to justify such a weak programme, writes that "we will judge the Scottish Socialist Party by the content of its programme as a whole and its incompatibility with capitalism, but also by its practice, by how it intervenes in the class struggle". Of course words are not enough, deeds count. But no-one with any real knowledge of the Trotskyist movement would accept the downgrading of the question of the programme.

The Scottish Socialist Alliance "Manifesto" - A transitional or an action programme?

46. Possibility Murray Smith will say that this "Manifesto" is an "action programme". However the "Manifesto" is weak on action, not really spelling out what Scottish Socialist Party members will be fighting on in the workplaces, communities or in the Labour movement. Certainly the "Manifesto" does not have the feel of belonging to the "combat party with a revolutionary leadership and cadres" which Murray Smith writes about in paragraph 39.

47. Murray Smith, in paragraphs 29 and 30, seems to equate a transitional programme with an action programme when they really are something different. An action programme can be made up of a few demands on which struggles can be immediately based. These demands can be drawn from a transitional programme, but in isolation, in and of themselves, they are not a transitional programme.

48. In a discussion in March 1938 Trotsky asked: "What is the sense of the transitional programme? We can call it a programme of action, but for us, for our strategic conception, it is a transitional programme - it is a help to the masses in overcoming the inherited ideas, methods, and forms and adapting themselves to the exigencies of the objective situation. This transitional programme must include the most simple demands. We cannot foresee and prescribe local and trade union demands adapted to the local situation of a factory, the development from this demand to the slogan for the creation of a workers' soviet. These are both extreme points, from the development of our transitional programme to find the connecting links and lead the masses to the idea of the revolutionary conquest of power." ("Discussions on the Transitional Programme, 1977 Pathfinder edition, pages 100/1).

49. It is on this criteria that the British Executive Committee had already previously criticised in its documents the political weaknesses of the Scottish Socialist Alliance policies, policies which the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee have described as being "a very clear and concrete programme for the overthrow of capitalism and the building of a new socialist Scotland with an internationalist perspective". ("Initial Proposals" paragraph 19). The text of the new "Manifesto" contradicts the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's description of the Scottish Socialist Alliance's politics and confirms the critique of both the British Executive Committee and International Secretariat of the Committee for a Workers' International.

Compromises and a Committee for a Workers' International section

50. It has been clear for some time now that the Scottish Socialist Alliance does not have a revolutionary Marxist approach, and that already the Scottish Militant Labour leadership have been forced to make compromises in order to reach agreement with other Scottish Socialist Alliance members. This would not necessarily always be wrong, provided a distinct Scottish Militant Labour political profile was also being maintained and the concessions did not become unprincipled.

51. Examples of the extent of these compromises have been given already in this debate. In "For a Bold Step Forward" the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee provide quotations from the Scottish Socialist Alliance's material. Among these extracts there is the following from the Scottish Socialist Alliance Constitution which "imposes rigid conditions upon its public representatives: "All Scottish Socialist Alliance elected representatives must be prepared to:... (c) participate in non-violent direct action campaigns and activities", (paragraph 59).

52. Why is the term "non-violent" there? The working class and Marxists prefer a peaceful struggle but the proletariat and its organisations have a right to defend themselves. Marxists have always pointed out that the responsibility for any violence lies with the ruling class and its representatives. The ruling class is always prepared to use repression. It was not an accident that in Britain one of Thatcher's very first acts on coming into office in 1979 was to dramatically increase police pay.

53. Just looking at Britain, we have seen clashes taking place during the Thatcher years, most notably during the miners' strike and, to a lesser extent, during the Poll Tax battle. The use of the phrase "non-violent" can also lead to the danger that fresh workers and youth will interpreted it as an implied criticism of the miners and others, who during the course of their struggle became involved in clashes with the state.

54. Previously, when asked about this phrase, the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee explained that "non-violent" was included at the request of non-Scottish Militant Labour members in the Scottish Socialist Alliance. Perhaps this is what Murray Smith meant by the Scottish Socialist Party having a "broad appeal"?

55. The Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee may have decided that this compromise was justified in order to maintain the Scottish Socialist Alliance as a "united front" type organisation. This view can be debated. But, whatever the opinion on this specific point, this compromise is a concrete example of why it is absolutely necessary for the Scottish Militant Labour comrades to maintain their own revolutionary organisation and separate propaganda.

56. The Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's first idea, "one variant", for the Scottish Militant Labour to "throw everything into the new party" ("Initial Proposals", paragraph 25), i.e. cease a separate existence as a revolutionary organisation, would have meant it would have been impossible for Committee for a Workers' International members to struggle in an organised way against ideas such as "non-violent direct action". This would mean a political dissolving of the Committee for a Workers' International section in a sea of political confusion, each Committee for a Workers' International member would be forced to try to fight individually for Marxist policies.

57. The possibility of ceasing to be organised was no slip of the pen by the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee in their first document. In their second document, "For a Bold Step Forward", the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee returned to the question and tried to justify the possibility of having no organised Committee for a Workers' International section within the Scottish Socialist Party. They wrote "There are many historical examples of Trotskyist and Marxist groupings armed only with ideas which have been extremely effective", (paragraph 160).

58. It seems that Murray Smith does not agree with this. He thinks that a Committee for a Workers' International section must continue, but at the same time he agrees with the Committee for a Workers' International handing over to the new party the resources it has accumulated in Scotland and financing the new "broad" party's launch and full timers. In other words Murray Smith accepts a weakening of the Committee for a Workers' International section in order to get the Scottish Socialist Party, a party with a "broad appeal", off the ground.

A Question of Programme and Organisation

59. Murray Smith's document provides some useful quotations from Trotsky on the question of the programme, including the link between the programme and the revolutionary organisation, the party. Murray Smith quotes Trotsky explaining in a discussion in June 1938 how the "cohesion" of the revolutionary organisation rests upon "a common understanding of the events, of the tasks, and this common understanding - that is the programme of the party" ("Discussions on the Transitional Programme", 1977 Pathfinder edition, page 171).

60. In a letter written a week before that discussion Trotsky wrote that "we can attract others to us only by a correct and clear policy. And for this we must have an organisation and not a nebulous blot." ("Discussions on the Transitional Programme", 1977 Pathfinder edition, page 168). The danger of the Committee for a Workers' International section in Scotland becoming a "nebulous blot" is precisely posed by the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's plan to hand over the majority of its resources to the Scottish Socialist Party, with the Committee for a Workers' International section holding monthly meetings and publishing a journal every three months.

61. The Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee originally implied that a Committee for a Workers' International section many not be necessary because the new Scottish Socialist Party would be similar to the Workers' Party of the United States (WPUS) which existed between 1934 and 1936. The WPUS was formed by the US Trotskyists in the CLA and the Muste- led American Workers Party. As the British Executive Committee have pointed out the American Workers Party contained "militant working class ranks .. moving towards revolution, while a section of its leadership ... were moving towards the position of the CLA and the Fourth International." ("In Defence of the Revolutionary Party", paragraph 52).

62. This is not the situation with the proposed Scottish Socialist Party. As we have seen the Scottish Socialist Party's new "Manifesto" is not a revolutionary document. By comparison the WPUS from the beginning supported the building of the Fourth International. Muste himself participated in the July 1936 International Conference for the Fourth International. Publicly Muste and the other US representatives were described as "observers", because four months earlier, in March, the WPUS had decided to publicly formally dissolve and start entry work in the US Socialist Party.

63. Despite Murray Smith quoting, in paragraph 68, from the constitution the WPUS adopted at its December 1934 founding conference, the fact was that, in reality, the WPUS was in the Fourth International movement. This is shown by the dispute between Muste and Shachtman over Muste's wish to nominate Abern as the US member of the new International Secretariat at the July 1936 International Conference (see Writings of Leon Trotsky, Supplement 1934-40, pages 706 to 709). Perhaps this is why Murray Smith writes "over a four-year period 1934-38, there was no openly affiliated organisation in the USA to the international Trotskyist movement". (paragraph 70, our emphasis).

64. For Trotsky the link between the revolutionary programme and the revolutionary organisation for both formulating and implementing political action is clear. This is quite different from the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's view that "there have been many historical examples of Trotskyist and Marxist groupings armed only with ideas which have been extremely effective". ("For a Bold Step Forward", paragraph 160).

65. On both criteria of programme and organisation the Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's plans do not pass the tests which Trotsky poses.

[CWI reply Continues...What type of Scottish Socialist Party? The Scottish Militant Labour Executive Committee's original proposal for a Scottish Socialist Party]