Marxists and the British

Labour Party

The New Turn - What Is the Alternative?

Minority Document

Trade Union work

147) Apart from these 'internal' measures, with the General Election on the horizon, our main responsibility must be to step up our work in the trade unions and amongst the youth. These remain the two twin pillars of the organisation. They must become our key priority in this period.

a) The trade union and industrial field generally is of paramount importance for the Marxist movement. Our key responsibility is to penetrate and establish a bastion for our ideas in the industrial working class. The success or failure of the organisation will be judged by our success in this work. It is therefore essential we make a serious and sustained turn to this vital field of activity.

b) Despite our shortcomings and weaknesses our organisation has earned great respect in the past period. Now more than ever with the decline of the Stalinists, a vacuum is opening up in industry that we can fill. Although the mood can vary from factory to factory, there are openings for our comrades to establish themselves in preparation for the future battles, whatever the outcome of the general election.

c) Unfortunately, far too often in the past we have made periodic or spasmodic 'turns' to industrial work. What is needed is a consistent drive of the organisation towards this work. The strategy of the youth should be dovetailed into this thrust. After all, a stable youth organisation will need to be built primarily on young workers.

d) At a time when there is limited scope for Labour Party work, then comrades should undertake more consistent trade union work. There are a multitude of grievances in the workplaces which could be taken up by our comrades. The need to play an active role, of becoming a shop steward or representative at work will provide us with the necessary platforms from which to build up our support. In a consistent and patient manner we can establish a firm basis in the workplaces and union branches. With the prospect of a Labour government on the horizon, then the trade unions will be the key to our Labour Party work in the future. It is essential we prepare for this now.

e) In this period every local and FT must pay particular attention to our industrial comrades, discussing their problems at work and planning out a strategy. We have discussed many excellent initiatives which have been taken from time to time by various locals, such as the production of local bulletins to supplement the paper. This kind of approach, giving support to the trade union comrades in the patient work that is vital in this area, needs to become the norm for the locals and the work of the FTs. In the past, every industrial comrade was treated like gold dust, whose work was regularly discussed. We must reintroduce this approach. We must raise these comrades' political level and integrate them fully into the life of the organisation. The development of trade union caucuses must be an important adjunct to the local's strategy of attempting to penetrate the main factories and workplaces in their area.

f) Our most important initiative in this field to date was the launching of the national Broad Left organisation. At its founding conference in early 1984, there was widespread enthusiasm for this initiative. At the time the Stalinist Liaison Committee, which had played a key role in the late 1960s and 1970s, had gone into terminal decline. The ground was clear for a new left organisation.

g) Unfortunately this brilliant initiative was allowed to "wither on the vine". Of course there have been difficulties on the industrial front since the defeat of the miners' strike, but this cannot totally explain its demise.

h) The importance of the national Broad Left organisation was its potential for the future of becoming the hub of left opposition in the trade unions. Although not the same as the National Minority Movement of the 1920s, its potential could not be underestimated. Rather than being seen as just an adjunct of the organisation, its role was to develop and co-ordinate the emerging Broad Lefts in the unions and uniting the different campaigns.

i) Unfortunately its role was very much coloured by our view of it as a 'front organisation', without a real life of its own. Rather than allow it a certain 'independence', dealing with key industrial issues as they arose, it was subordinated to the particular needs of the organisation at each stage.

j) For instance, the very period when it should have played a major role during the biggest industrial battle since 1926, the miners' strike, it was not in evidence for the first six months of the dispute. Instead of being a focal point or forum for rank and file solidarity, establishing links in the power stations, with the lorry drivers, and the Dockers, it was effectively sidelined. It did not start taking initiatives over blacking until 9 months into the strike.

k) By and large, the whole organisation turned towards the miners' strike. We won a whole layer of miners to our ranks. However our main weakness was a clear industrial strategy, above all seeing the role of the Broad Left organisation that could have established itself out of the struggle as the only serious left organisation for the trade union rank and file.

1) This organisation, failing to develop a life of its own, proved unable to meet up to the potential. It was allowed to pass into the background, to be revived very occasionally for a particular rally. The hopes of the founding conference were disappointed. We must learn these lessons if we are to relaunch a genuine left body in the future. After all, the industrial 'lull' at the moment will not last indefinitely. Movements on the industrial field will affect the trade unions and lay the basis for a swing to the left. Even now, the elections in a number of unions, such as the TGWU, UCATT, USDAW. indicate the beginnings of a move to the left, which will have a colossal effect on the Labour Party in the future.

m) In order to ensure we maximise the potential for the future we need the maximum involvement of industrial comrades in the working out of the industrial strategy and ensuring its implementation. The NIB should meet regularly without fail. It must not be a rubber- stamping body, but a genuine forum for the industrial work. This should go a long way in ensuring the turn towards industrial work is not spasmodic, but carried out consistently. On this basis we can effectively prepare the organisation for the mighty struggles that lie ahead.

147) Alongside our trade union work is the vital area of youth. The restrictions imposed on Labour's official youth organisation, and the severe difficulties with the Labour students' organisation, created major difficulties for us. With flexible tactics we were able to develop other organisations to allow us to circumvent the bureaucracy and find a road to the youth. These organisations must be further developed and linked into our other fields of work. In addition, in a pre-election period, on a local level we should not neglect using the official party youth organisation where this is possible, as it can still provide a way into the trade unions and workplaces.

148) A key task in the next period is to strengthen the YRC on a local level. Many excellent initiatives have been taken. In the next period every local should have the target of building on this work and establishing a regular functioning YRC. The general election will provide a golden opportunity for this, particularly through campaigns that can be taken by comrades into their workplaces. The demand for a minimum wage offers great potential.

149) As was explained at the last national event in January, sizeable advances can also be made among women and Black and Asian workers with a patient and consistent approach. The regular production of the Black and Asian paper is a big step forward in this field of work, and offers a key to the breakthrough amongst these oppressed layers of the class.

150) Over the coming years, provided we draw all the political and organisational lessons of the past, history will provide us with a wealth of opportunities for growth. The organisation must seize them with both hands. However, our recruitment policy must have an all- rounded approach. Yes to bold recruitment! Open the doors to the best workers and youth. But equally we must get down seriously to the organisation's political development and consolidation, so that all comrades can play a full role in building and shaping our fate in the turbulent years that lie ahead.

151) What initiatives should we undertake in the next period⁷ What is our alternative to the new 'turn'? The 'turn' is not some kind of new campaign. It is a fundamental departure from the tactics, strategy and policies of Marxism.

152) The comrades challenge us to produce a strategy to win the advanced layers and the youth. But what do they offer as a strategy? "Bold, open work amongst workers and youth" (For The Scottish Turn 256) "It is vital that we develop methods of recruiting among this layer of youth, and this requires clear policies, effective tactics and bold action." (For The Scottish Turn 261) "We have to have an approach that will allow us to take up all the issues which concern young people" (For the Scottish Turn 262)

153) What have we been doing over the last number of years if not conducting "bold, open work amongst workers and youth" using the YTURC, FELS, YRC, etc. Bold, open work is nothing new.

154) In their document they do not propose any strategy or campaign to win the youth in the next period. All they have to offer arc vague suggestions for bold action etc. The same also applies to the trade union work They limit themselves to generalisations about a bold approach etc.

155) Before this 'strategy' of the new 'turn' was proposed in April what did the organisation do? Were we buried in the Labour Party waiting for events? Were we paralysed waiting for d now strategy to build? Of course not.

156) Our main campaign up until then had been the poll tax which culminated in the big demonstrations in March. The youth organisation also intervened in the anti-Gult war demonstrations. These campaigns drew youth and workers around our periphery. With the end of the war and the drawing to a close on the poll tax, new issues facing the working class and youth would need to be taken up. There are no shortage of issues.

157) However, from the standpoint of the working class the most important generalised issue facing the class in the next period will be the general election and the opportunity to kick out the Tones after 12 years. We must attempt to capitalise on this development and extend our influence in the factories and amongst the youth.

158) A special extended NIB should be convened to discuss ideas for industrial work and the general election. The national youth bureau should also be convened to discuss proposals for youth and the general election. We should examine the possibility of reactivating trade union broad left organisation which could be used to initiate a conference to drive out the Tones and place immediate demands on a new Labour government.

159) Alongside our general programme the question of the minimum wage could be taken up - demanding its immediate introduction when Labour comes to power. Such a campaign would involve YRC, especially given the amount of low paid young workers. It could be a focal point for our work amongst women, and Black and Asian workers. It would be a golden opportunity to get into the factories, workplaces and offices. We could get sponsorship from the trade unions, stewards committees, etc as well as from MPs etc. This could be a major initiative and help to pull together all fields of work in the immediate period.

160) The way to prepare our forces for a new Labour government is to immediately step up our trade union and industrial work. Over the years we have paid a lot of lip-service to the TU work. This initiative around the election could give us the opportunity to put it on a well organised footing. Of course all this work must be undertaken with elan and audacity.

161) As we have explained previously, the period of the run-up to an election, and the election itself could provide us with great potential for growth.

162) As a precondition, however, the turn must be dropped if we are to make the necessary gains out of this initiative. If we run candidates in Scotland and declare ourselves an open revolutionary party, then that will do us colossal damage. We will play into Kinnock s hands and we will be portrayed as 'splitters' to Labour workers.

163) For forty years we conducted patient and consistent work in the Labour Party and trade unions, despite the domination of the right wing for most of this period. This never stopped us from intervening in the struggles of the working class. On the contrary, we effectively used our position as Party members to assist our intervention in strikes, etc.

164) We recognised that the real fruits of Labour Party work would develop in the future The vast bulk of our recruits were made outside. We understood very well that it would be through the experiences of reformism in power that would radicalise the advanced workers who would come in and fill out the trade unions and then the Labour Party. With the real possibility of a Labour government in the immediate future and the crisis that will inevitably face it tremendous possibilities for Marxism would emerge in the trade unions and Labour Party. However at this very time we are recklessly throwing away our past work, sacrificing our public representatives, and proposing to launch an open revolutionary party in Scotland that will result in the emptying out of all our forces from the Labour Party, Why sabotage our entire base in the Party at this very moment when we could be reaping great gains in the relatively near future? Is this not an irresponsible adventure after all the work we invested in the past?

165) And for what? We had meagre gains from the Walton experience. Now we are risking everything nationally for possible short term gains in Scotland that could well prove illusory.

166) We understand and appreciate the frustrations of the comrades with our lack of recruitment, but to launch this gamble is senseless especially at this stage.

167) What is the point of perspectives if not as a guide to action? In the event of a Labour government the perspectives for the Labour Party in the next 2,3 and 4 years will be extremely fruitful for us, so why risk it all now?

168) It is naive to suggest that we can all get back easily into the Party in the future. Even the Scottish document admits this when talking about a 'tidal wave'. Even if we could get back in at some stage, which we doubt, we would have lost out largely in the shift to the left in the Labour Party and lost valuable time in establishing ourselves as a component part of the left.

169) The 'Turn' would have done us colossal damage. The capital we built up in the past, as part of the Party but separate from it, will be undermined. Our break from the Party - and that is how it will be seen by the working class - will create enormous barriers for our work in the trade unions and labour movement generally.

170) All this damage for what? According to the majority document there are two clear advantages for an open revolutionary organisation/party:

1) "It would sharply pose the aims and tasks of the tendency before our own members."

2) "It would provide a bold, clearly defined alternative to the advanced workers and youth." (For the Scottish Turn 224)

Firstly, can we not pose the aims and tasks before our own comrades without launching an open party. If our comrades are not clear about what they should be doing then this is a political problem, which we can only overcome by patient explanation. Secondly, to infer that the tendency cannot present, or did not present in the past, a "bold clearly defined alternative" is to belittle the actions of the organisation. To believe that the launching of an open party is the means to this new bold image is to put forward an organisational panacea as a solution to the political problems of party building.

171) We must open up an honest discussion on party building, so that we can resolve our deficiencies and difficulties. On that basis were can develop a more dynamic and healthy organisation that will enable us to prepare ourselves politically and organisationally for the historic tasks that lie ahead.

10 October 1991.

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